1. WE have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death, in the foregoing book and will now speak of what
followed, and was connected with those histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have nothing so much at
heart as this, that we may omit no facts, either through ignorance or laziness; (1) for we are upon the history and
explication of such things as the greatest part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times;
and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived from proper words harmonically disposed,
and from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute to the pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain
the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But the principal scope that authors
ought to aim at above all the rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those that are
otherwise unacquainted with such transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform them of.

2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when
Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when
presently Aristobulus began to make war against him; and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of
his soldiers deserted him, and went over to his brother; upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where
Aristobulus's wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we have said already, and attacked and
overcame those his adversaries that had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple. So when he had sent a
message to his brother about agreeing the matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to him on these
conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly
enjoy the estate he had acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms in the temple, and had confirmed the
agreement with oaths, and the giving one an. other their right hands, and embracing one another in the sight of the
whole multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the former
house of Aristobulus.

3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an
active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his
good-will to Hyrcanus. It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal
Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who,
by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its
proper place hereafter. However, this Antipater was at first called Antipas, (2) and that was his father's name also;
of whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made a
league of friendship with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of his own party, and had, by
many and large presents, made them his fast friends. But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the power
of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the
most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the
conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who was the
elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth. And the same speeches he perpetually
made to Hyrcanus; and told him that his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and got shut of
Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill him, as being
then, and not before, sure to retain his principality. Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a
gentle disposition, and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This temper of his not
disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, occasioned him to appear to spectators to be
degenerous and unmanly; while. Aristo-bulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of a great and
generous soul.

4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to
charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so,
by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised,
that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist him and go with him]. When Hyrcanus heard
this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea.
However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when
he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies. So Antipater
having received such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and
stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the
palace of Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus
into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him
presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that
when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve
cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias,
Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.

1. AFTER these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aristobulus with an army of
fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus
as deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which the king of Arabia took all his army,
and made an assault upon the temple, and besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting Hyreanus, and
assisting him in the siege, while none but the priests continued with Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces of the
Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the
feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the principal men among the Jews left the
country, and fled into Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man be was, and beloved of
God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had
heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition would last a great while.
However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the
drought, so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his faction. And when, upon his
refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of
them, and said, "O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people, and those
that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against
these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those." Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as
soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death.

2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of
Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called
the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; but those that were
with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such
sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they
required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook
to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. But when the
others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the
assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with
sacrifices. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were
violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their
punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a
modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.

3. In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making war with
Tigranes; but when Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollins and Metellus had newly taken the city,
he came himself hastily into Judea. And when he was come thither, ambassadors came to him, both from
Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would assist them. And when both of them promised to give him
money, Aristobulus four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus's promise, for he was
rich, and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor, and
tenacious, and made incredible promises in hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to take a city
that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it was to eject out of the country some fugitives, with a greater number
of Mabateans, who were no very warlike people. He therefore made an agreement with Aristobulus, for the
reasons before mentioned, and took his money, and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or else he
should be declared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with a
great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and beat them in the
battle, and slew about six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also, the brother of Antipater.

1. A LITTLE afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at which time there came
ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present,
which was a golden vine (3) of the value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this present in
these words: "There came also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of
gold; and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they call the thing Terpole, the
Delight. However, we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this
inscription, 'The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is,
that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews, sent it."

2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from
Aristobulus; which last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus, - the one three
hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies, besides those he
had before. And when Pompey had ordered those that had controversies one with another to come to him in the
beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter quarters, and marched into the country of
Damascus; and as he went along he demolished the citadel that was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had
built, and took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius of
Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his
crimes for a thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid the soldiers their wages. He also conquered the place
called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis,
and got over the mountain which is on the limit of Colesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus; and there it was that
he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with
another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly' government, because the
form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom
they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to
change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complained, that
although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had
but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force. He also
accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors' countries, and the piracies that had
been at sea, were owing to him; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a man
given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem among them, who
confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was procured by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against him, that
it was Hyrcanus's own temper, which was inactive, and on that account contemptible, which caused him to be
deprived of the government; and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear lest it should be
transferred to others. And that as to his title [of king], it was no other than what his father had taken [before him].
He also called for witnesses of what he said some persons who were both young and insolent; whose purple
garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, were detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as
though they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were marching in a pompous procession.

3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he
then spake civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he came again into their country, he would
settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans. In the mean time, he ordered
them to be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt, and hinder his return; which
yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting any further determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to
the city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.

4. At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that army which he was leading against the Nabateans,
and the auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions which he
had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to
Corem, which is the first entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he came to a most
beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and
thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the persuasions of many that
he would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed with his brother about the right
to the government, he went up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he did two or three
times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he would
obey Pompey in whatsoever he commanded, although at the same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not
depress himself too low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey
would transfer the government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the fortresses he
held, and to send an injunction to their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden
to deliver them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so; but still he retired in displeasure to
Jerusalem, and made preparation for war. A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed
Pompey, as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus, that Mithridates was dead, and was
slain by his son Pharmaces.

1. NOW when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the palm tree grows, and that balsam which is an
ointment of all the most precious, which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone, distills out thence
like a juice,) (4) he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of what he was doing, and
came to Pompey, had [promised to] give him money, and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would
leave off the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave him, and sent
Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money and the city: yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius
came back, being both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised, because Aristobulus's
soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed. At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into
prison, and came himself to the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north, which was not so well
fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch that encompassed the city (5) and included within it the temple, which
was itself encompassed about with a very strong stone wall.

2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who did not agree what was to be done in their
present circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus's party
exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the others, and seized upon
the temple, and cut off the bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege; but
the others admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up both the city and the king's palace to him. So Pompey sent
his lieutenant Piso with an army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the palace, to secure them, and
fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant and without it. And in the first
place, he offered terms of accommodation to those within; but when they would not comply with what was desired,
he encompassed all the places thereabout with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all occasions; but
Pompey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the north part of the temple, where it was most practicable; but even
on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the
parts towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had gotten in was broken down. However, a
bank was raised, day by day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down materials for it from the places
round about. And when this bank was sufficiently raised, and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its
immense depth, he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the bank, he
battered the temple with the stones that were thrown against it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of
our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition
the Jews would have made; for though our law gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to
fight with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while they do any thing else.

3. Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we call Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews,
nor came to any pitched battle with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and brought their engines into such
forwardness, that they might do execution the next day. And any one may hence learn how very great piety we
exercise towards God, and the observance of his laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from their sacred
ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did still twice a-day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer
their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened by the stones
that were thrown among them; for although the city was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, (6) upon
the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero were consuls, and the
enemy then fell upon them, and cut the throats of those that were in the temple; yet could not those that offered the
sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by the fear they were in of their own lives, nor by the number that were
already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing
that their laws required of them. And that this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety
that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pompey; and, among them, to
Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus]; and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who will
bear witness to this thing. (7)

4. But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and
broke down a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with
his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centurion, with those that followed on the other
part, while Fabius, who was also a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body of men after him. But now
all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews being slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there
were who threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and burnt them, as not able to bear the
miseries they were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was
at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small enormities were committed
about the temple itself, which, in former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey went into it,
and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but
only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels,
and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred
money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, (8) on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he
acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the
temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to
Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the
country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the
authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such
alacrity; and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the
inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the
whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, (9)
which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the
rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and
Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been
demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower; which last Herod
rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these
Pompey left in a state of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.

5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a
sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of
that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians.
Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which
was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their family, became the property of
private men. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as
the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste
to Rome. He also carried bound along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters, and as many
sons; the one of which ran away, but the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters.

1. SCAURUS made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round about it,
because of the great difficulty of access to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with
corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus. And when he was sent
to Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas to give
Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burning of his country, and undertook to be his surety for three hundred
talents. So Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war any longer; which was done as much at Scaurus's
desire, as at the desire of Aretas.

2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from
Rome into Syria, as commander of the Roman forces. He did many considerable actions; and particularly made war
with Alexander, since Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his power, but was already attempting to rebuild the
wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown, although the Romans which were there restrained him from that
his design. However, Alexander went over all the country round about, and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly
got together ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium, a fortress near
to Corem, and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore came upon him, having sent Marcus
Antonius, with other commanders, before. These armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them,
such Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and Malichus; and they took with them also their
friends that were with Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with his legion. Hereupon
Alexander retired to the neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one another, and it came to a pitched
battle, in which the Romans slew of their enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive.

3. At which time Gabinius (10) came to Alexandrium, and invited those that were in it to deliver it up on certain
conditions, and promised that then their former offenses should be forgiven. But as a great number of the enemy
had pitched their camp before the fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought bravely, and slew
a great number, and seemed to come off with the greatest honor. So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order to
take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met
with that had been demolished; at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and
Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according to Gabinius's
command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long
time.

4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country, he returned to Alexandrium; and when he urged on the siege of the
place, Alexander sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would pardon his former offenses; he also delivered up
the fortresses, Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But
when Alexander's mother, who was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome,
came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus
to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed
the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the
second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews
were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.

1. NOW Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alexandrium, which had been
newly demolished. Hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him, add for their commanders Sisenna, and Antonius,
and Servilius, in order to hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take him again. And indeed
many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus, on account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad of an
innovation. Now there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a thousand men,
although a great number of those that came to him were unarmed; and when Aristobulus had resolved to go to
Macherus, he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed; for they could not be useful to him in what
actions he was going about; but he took with him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as the
Romans fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were beaten in the battle; and when they had fought
with alacrity, but were overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about five thousand,
and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were able, to save themselves. However, Aristobulus had with
him still above a thousand, and with them he fled to Macherus, and fortified the place; and though he had had ill
success, he still had good hope of his affairs; but when he had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and
had received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who also fled with him
from Rome. And this was the fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and was there retained in
bonds, having been both king and high priest for three years and six months; and was indeed an eminent person,
and one of a great soul. However, the senate let his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he had
promised their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses to him; and accordingly they then returned
into Judea.

2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he
changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. (11) This hath also
been related elsewhere. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and
weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had
been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in
disorder, with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized on the government a
second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he marched over the country with a great army,
and slew all the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they
had retreated.

3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those that were
seditious, to try whether he could cure them of their madness, and persuade them to return to a better mind; and
when he came to them, he brought many of them to a sound mind, and induced them to do what they ought to do;
but he could not restrain Alexander, for he had an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and joining
battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men about Mount Tabor.

4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination,
and went against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a friendly manner Mithridates
and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report went abroad that they had run away
from him. And when Gabinius had performed great and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs of war, he
returned to Rome, and delivered the government to Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of
Cappadocia, both describe the expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say
anything new which is not in the other.

1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the
money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all
the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten
gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was
guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked
design, for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the
temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when lie
saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him
this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else
out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand
[shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar
alone knew it; yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to
the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple.

2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable
earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this
from very ancient times. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to
our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly
Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: "Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had
deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews." Now we have no public money but only what
appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not
probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that
the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were ill no fear of Mithridates. And
Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla passed over into
Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom
the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus: "There were four classes of men among
those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these
Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this
tribe of men, and is not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the same
governors, and a great number of other nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies of these Jews
in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that nation
also. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly
allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who
governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them
belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews
were originally Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, is near to Egypt.
They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea,
or rather was formerly under the same government." And this is what Strabo says.

3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and
all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession
of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it.
And as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Tarichee, and presently took it, and carried
about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and
that by the persuasion of Antipater, who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that time in great repute
with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men,
and her name was Cypros, (12) by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king, and
Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and mutual
kindness with other potentates, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children, while he
fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were
coming to attack him, as hath been related by others.

4. But some time afterward Cesar, when he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond
the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two legions to
him, that he might set matters right, as being a potent man in that country. But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of
what he hoped for from the power that was given him by Cesar; for those of Pompey's party prevented it, and
destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while,
embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher. But
Scipio, upon Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, because the young man was
accused of what offenses he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die at
Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his brethren
to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to send back with him her son
Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which, whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and
married her, though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and continued to take care of
her brethren.

1. NOW after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the
Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus;
for when Mithridates of Pergainus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through
Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed
men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; and on his account it
was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Cesar, viz.
Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and
almost all the cities. So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would
not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here, and was the first who plucked down a
part of the wall, and so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by this means Pelusium
was taken. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater
and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party,
because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high
priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all
sorts of provisions which they wanted; and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same
sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come
over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army.

2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy,
near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; and when it
came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater
had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed
him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. He also took
their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was
retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent an account
of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own
preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the
most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements

3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored
Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a
citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with
Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he
says thus, in the name of Aslnius: "After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of
the Jews." Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that "Mithridates
at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and
that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of the
country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition." This is
what Strabo says.

4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father's fate; and
complained, that it was by Antipater's means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was
beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality which
was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries
to himself. Antipater was present, and made his defense as to the accusations that were laid against him. He
demonstrated that Antigonus and his party were given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He also put
Caesar in mind what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and discoursed about
what he was a witness of himself. He added, that Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an
enemy to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that his brother had no more than he
deserved from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; and that this punishment was not inflicted on him in
a way of violence or injustice by him that did it.

5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus to be high priest, and gave Antipater what
principality he himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator of Judea. He
also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been
demolished by Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The decree of
the senate was this that follows: (13) "Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate,
upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius
Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning the affairs which
Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus,
ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and
friendship with the Romans which was in being before. They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of
confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to
the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them
might receive any injury. It therefore pleased [the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with them,
and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them.
This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus." Hyreanus also
received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions. And when they wrote
to him, they sent him this decree, as it here follows "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of
Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their
commanders, when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the
month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in the theater.
Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellow presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of
Dionysius, gave the sentence. Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews,
continues to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them
with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion
of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are conducted back in safety, of which we
have had several former testimonies; it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus, and
upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in
his power, to honor him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in brass
in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the
theater, in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and
Gymnical shows also; and that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves
his good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for his affection and generosity; that by this
treatment it may appear how our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he may be
induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also
chosen out of all the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept of the honors we do
him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to our city." And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the
honors that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.

1. NOW when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away. And as soon as Antipater had conducted
Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrown down by
Pompey; and, by coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by both threatening
and advising them to be quiet; for that if they would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live happily, and lead their
lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of
what might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should have him a severe master instead of a
gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter
enemies instead of rulers, for that they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed to govern.
And when Antipater had said this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this country.

2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of
Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very
young man, for he was but fifteen years of age (14) But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a
youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one
Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he
seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him; for which action he was
greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of
robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having
procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became
known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria. Now Phasaetus,
Herod's brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame be had thereby gotten, and became
ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the
greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his
authority therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such
honors as he might partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of his, as
frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.

3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the
good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's own
wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman
emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the
present intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrcanus heard of this his
management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were
therefore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting
tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, "How long wilt thou be
quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized
upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee? But do not thou suffer these things
to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for
Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they
are evidently absolute lords; for Herod, Antipater's son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with him, and
hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man,
unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim (15) yet hath he been so insolent as to do this,
and that without any authority from thee."

4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod
raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that
Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. Hyrcanus was so moved by these
complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but
his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and
that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to
his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so
great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and
unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to
clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was
the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his
own son. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he aftrighted them all, and
no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and
nobody knew what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, (16) a righteous man he
was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, "O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art
our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel,
that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he
be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear
of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning
garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation,
stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that
if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death. Yet do
not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but
my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that
God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one
day punish both you and your king himself also." Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when
Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting
Sameas, for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward
besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins
they would not be able to escape his hands: - which things will be related by us in their proper places.

5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon
Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that
by this means he might escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been
with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again
summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the members of the
Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these
things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so
foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria,
for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect
of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with
Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he bad been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; but his father
Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified
his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to
proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: they also desired him not only to be angry
that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without
condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only what
was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since it is God
that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought of to
expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits
upon him, and had done nothing itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil
counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it.
Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a
show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it - and in this state were the affairs of Judea at this
time.

1. NOW when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when
Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual
alliance which was between them, And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that
the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it,
that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have
been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; for whereas many will not believe what hath been written
about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in
public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no contradiction to be
made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in
the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews
at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I
demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which
relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.

2. "Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well. I have sent you a copy
of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table
of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest,
have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath
demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and
in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, (17)
with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all
the rest of that army; - for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs
of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and
that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular
friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or
whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about
the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find
us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them."

3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That
Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them
bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and
that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with
him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be
openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and
Greek letters: that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and
to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent
every where."

4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and
kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of
Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same
right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood."

5. "Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass
that city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in
the manner he himself pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the
land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that
they pay always the same tribute."

6. "Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do
pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because
thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and that they pay their tribute in
Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to
pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither
president, nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact
money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; and
that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is
also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the
Romans, shall belong to them, as it. formerly did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as
tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon,
twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic
year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. It is also the pleasure of the
senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed,
Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; and that the
same original ordinances remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they
enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let
them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the
Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the
confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is also granted to
Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators,
and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an
audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they
have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the
senate is made about their affairs."

7. "Caius Cqesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator,
made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews. Since those imperators (18) that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to
Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome,
when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and
provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate
and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have
bestowed upon us."

8. "Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting.
The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us,
that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred
worship. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates,
whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers
and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius Caesar, our imperator
and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews,
and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when I forbid
other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of
their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against
these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards
us."

9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the
senate, and introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of
friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. I add the decree itself, that those who
read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this:

10. "The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when
Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the
third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius
Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of
the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of
Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of
Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus,
the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls,
made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had
adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is
also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public
tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. This
was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus
the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son
of Chereas, and Jonathan the, son of Onias."

11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him
to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit
them to live according to them. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus's letter, without any further
deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of
Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:

12. "When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and
magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his
countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the sabbath
days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their
forefathers; - I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and
permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as
their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the
several cities under your jurisdiction."

13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him.
But Lucius the consul's decree ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and
follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the
superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and
Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the
Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of
Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus
the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentins, the son of
Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor to the
magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that
are in Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition some
time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them
also; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance."

14. The decree of the Delians. "The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the
month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of
the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order, that if there be here any Jews who are
Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the
consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under; - you are therefore
obliged to submit to the praetor." And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also.

15. "Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would
have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees
which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and
take care of these men, according to the senate's decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your
country."

16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: "I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who
appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the
superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October."

17. "Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of
the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellow citizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that
they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a
place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition
therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they
be permitted to do accordingly."

18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the
son of Publius: "We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of
Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont
to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did
dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October."

19. "In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus were consuls; and there were present Titus
Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus
Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son
of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe,
Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus,
of the Esquiline tribe, Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the son of
Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe,
Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. In the presence of these it was that Lentulus
pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are
accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under."

20. "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater,
the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that
certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written
concerning their nation, wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other
sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are
our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there
present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be
observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We therefore, in obedience
to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up
by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care
that no complaint be made against us."

21. "Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people
of the Mileslans, sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at
Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and
forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the Sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to
manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your
decree, according as your laws require: I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both
sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs."

22. The decree of those of Pergamus. "When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the
decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for
the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in
firm peace, and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato,
the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus, the
son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their
affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son
of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the
havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may
be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; and that no king nor people may have leave to
export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only
Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the
garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave
order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate's decree; and that we
should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into
our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he
discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity, and how he was a
benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our
public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do
every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle,
desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him
the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready
to bestow other benefits upon us, as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to
remember that our ancestors (19) were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all
the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records."

23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. "When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of
Euonymus, was priest, on the * * * day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation
of Marcus Alexander, was this: Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since
we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us
about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and
accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; we have decreed, that as many men and women of
the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to Jewish
laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one,
whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be
applied to the uses of the city."

24. The decree of the Sardians. "This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the
praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellow citizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits
heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate, and desired of the people, that upon the
restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according
to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be
given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their
forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to
assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be
set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that
purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they
esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city."

25. The decree of the Ephesians. "When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this
decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the
praetors. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the
proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of
their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. Accordingly, it was
decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered
from keeping the sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to
their own laws."

26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans (20) and those different from
these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more
decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and
certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the
specimens which we have inserted; for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the
friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and
tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down,
as needless and disagreeable; for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have
had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to
us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we
have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at those times had with
the Romans.

1. NOW it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion
following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Ceasar, and slew him,
and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war
about Apamia, while Ceasar's generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; to these
Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from
Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man
that had murdered him. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus (21) came from Rome to take
Sextus's government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had
retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere.

2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one
way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the [army that lay
in the] camp at Apamia; and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He
then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he
chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so
great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and
so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. And because
Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for
he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense
of others; whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced
four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these,
Lydia and Thamna. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had
not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger
against him.

3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be
the preservation of Hyrcanus's government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater, which when he
perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen.
However, Malichus, being one of great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his defense
with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod
had the weapons of war in his custody, he could never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving
the distress that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus
was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far
that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him.

4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and
Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the
forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that
after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the
younger Caesar: but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him out of the way; and by the offer of
money, persuaded the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This being
done, and he having armed men with him, settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's sons, Herod and
Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy against their father, and had indignation at it, Malichus denied all,
and utterly renounced any knowledge of the murder. And thus died Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself
for piety and justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge
their father's death, and was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Phasaelus,
thought it best rather to get this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a civil war in the
country; so he accepted of Malichus's defense for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in
the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and
when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences.

5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into the city;
whereupon Malichus was aftrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into the city. Hyrcanus
complied; and, for a pretense of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted when the
multitude were purifying themselves. But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and
entered the city in the night time, and aftrighted Malichus; yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but
wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice; but Herod and his friends though, it proper
not openly to contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his
suspicion of them.

6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder of his father; who knowing what sort of man
Malichus was as to his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his father's death; and also sent
privately to the commanders of his army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a very just design
of his. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money;
and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there; but he was somewhat apprehensive of the
thing, and designed to make some great attempt, and because his son was then a hostage at Tyre, he went to that
city, and resolved to steal him away privately, and to march thence into Judea; and as Cassius was in haste to
march against Antony, he thought to bring the country to revolt, and to procure the government for himself. But
Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent
thither beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he had said before that he would
feast them all there, but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus,
with their daggers. So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him.
Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed him; and when, after some
difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew Malichus;
and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that Malichus was a
very wicked man, and one that conspired against his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted on
Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.

7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem
with an army, made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms; but Herod went
to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother's assistance, but was hindered by a
distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the
tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he
had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies; for Malichus's brother had made
many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In
the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he bad gotten;
and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also.

1. NOW (22) Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had
already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him.
Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cussiris was a man
that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Galilee, which lay in
his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod
came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the
soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. When he had despatched these affairs, and was
gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was
just come into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his
head; for he had already contracted an affinity with the family of Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his,
and for that reason Herod took the greater care of him, as being to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, add the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of three male and two female
children. He had also married before this another wife, out of a lower family of his own nation, whose name was
Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.

2. Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as others have related; but after the victory, Caesar
went into Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors
that met him from all parts. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and
they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: but Antony
paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defense against his accusers, on which account his
adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money. But still,
when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an embassage to him, which
carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those
Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore
them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. Antony thought the Jews' desires were
just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians;
the contents of which were to the same purpose.

3. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be
in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of
Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the
embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present
embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us.
I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand
that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. But when those that were
adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the
agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all
mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards
men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose it was that the sun turned away
his light from us, (23) as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. We have also
overcome their conspiracies, which threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it is a climate
peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that confused rout of men, half mad
with spite against us, which they got together at Philippi in Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were
proper for their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to the very sea, and where the passage
was open only through a single gate. This victory we gained, because the gods had condemned those men for their
wicked enterprises. Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of
the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy
peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. We therefore make that peace which God hath
given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it
was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of
what may be for your advantage. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons,
whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they
may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also
forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to
restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me."

4. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The
ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me
that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our
adversaries. Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to
do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any
remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those
that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned
your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; for none of them took their provinces or their armies
by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful
to them in their unjust proceedings. Since, therefore, those men have received the punishment due to them, we
desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without disturbance, and
that you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it
were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our province; nor do
you use any force against him, in order to weaken him, that he may not be able to dispose of that which is his own;
but if you have any contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to plead your cause when
we come upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all the causes of our
confederates."

5. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you
my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters,
and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator,
one of the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath
made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they
were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in
war; and since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial determinations
what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of
the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of
freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their former owners. I also will that he who shall not comply
with this decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if such a one be caught, I will take care that the
offenders suffer condign punishment."

6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced
these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great
concern about our nation.

1. WHEN after this Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, and brought him to fall in love with her.
And there came now also a hundred of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and set
the men of the greatest eloquence among them to speak. But Messala contradicted them, on behalf of the young
men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was Herod's father-in-law (24) already. When Antony had heard
both sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed the nation best. He replied, Herod and his
friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the old hospitable friendship he had made with his father [Antipater], at
that time when he was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and committed the public
affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen of their adversaries, and was
going to kill them, but that Herod obtained their pardon.

2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to
meet him there, whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was corrupted by the money which Herod
and his brother had given him; and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the Jewish ambassadors,
who were for making innovations, and to settle the government upon Herod; but Herod went out hastily to them,
and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore before the city,) and he charged them to go their ways,
because great mischief would befall them if they went on with their accusation. But they did not acquiesce;
whereupon the Romans ran upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of them, and the rest
fled away and went home, and lay still in great consternation. And when the people made a clamor against Herod,
Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prisoners.

3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians,
possessed themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his
government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in order to obtain it, made
use of that commander, who had great interest in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a
thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they would take the government away from Hyrcanus,
and bestow it upon him, and withal kill Herod. And although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did the
Parthians make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the
maritime parts, but the commander Barzapharnes through the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, but the
Sidontans and those of Ptolemais received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a
view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus; and sent also the king's butler, of the same name with
himself. So when the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus, and were ready to march with him
into Judea, Antigonus hoped to get some part of the country by their assistance. The place is called Drymi; and
when some others came and met them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more were come to
them, they got together in great numbers, and came against the king's palace, and besieged it. But as Phasaelus's
and Herod's party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened between them in the market-place, the
young men beat their enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed men into the adjoining
houses to keep them in, who yet being destitute of such as should support them, were burnt, and the houses with
them, by the people who rose up against them. But Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a
little afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought with them, and slew a great number of them.

4. But while there were daily skirmishes, the enemy waited for the coming of the multitude out of the country to
Pentecost, a feast of ours so called; and when that day was come, many ten thousands of the people were gathered
together about the temple, some in armor, and some without. Now those that came guarded both the temple and the
city, excepting what belonged to the palace, which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus had the
charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men, sallied out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and
fought courageously, and put many ten thousands to flight, some flying into the city, and some into the temple, and
some into the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to his
assistance; yet was Pacorus, the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into the city, with a
few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in
obtaining the government. And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go
himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm,
complied with his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent to what was done, because of the perfidiousness of
these barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into the city.

5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the embassage; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horsemen,
and ten men, who were called the freemen, and conducted the others on their journey; and when they were in
Galilee, the governors of the cities there met them in their arms. Barzaphanles also received them at the first with
cheerfulness, and made them presents, though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus, with his
horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard that Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians
a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the
barbarians. Moreover, there was one who informed them that snares were laid for them by night, while a guard
came about them secretly; and they had then been seized upon, had not they waited for the seizure of Herod by the
Parthians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an
intimation of it, and escape out of their hands. And these were the circumstances they were now in; and they saw
who they were that guarded them. Some persons indeed would have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away immediately
on horseback, and not stay any longer; and there was one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was earnest with him
to do so; for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also
promised to provide him ships to carry him off; for the sea was just by them. But he had no mind to desert
Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into danger; but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did not act justly when
he made such a contrivance against them; for that if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and
besides, that it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to him upon the security of their oaths, and that when
they had done them no injury. But the barbarian swore to him that there was no truth in any of his suspicions, but
that he was troubled with nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.

6. But as soon as he was gone away, some men came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus greatly
reproached the Parthians for their perjury; However, that butler who was sent against Herod had it in command to
get him without the walls of the city, and seize upon him; but messengers had been sent by Phasaelus to inform
Herod of the perfidiousness of the Parthians. And when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to
Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lord of the rest, who, although they knew the whole
matter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out with them before the walls, and
meet those which were bringing him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries, but were coming to
give him an account of the good success Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give credit to what they said; for he had
heard that his brother was seized upon by others also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had
espoused, was his monitor also [not to credit them], which made him still more suspicious of the Parthians; for
although other people did not give heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of very great wisdom.

7. Now while the Parthians were in consultation what was fit to be done; for they did not think it proper to make an
open attempt upon a person of his character; and while they put off the determination to the next day, Herod was
under great disturbance of mind, and rather inclining to believe the reports he heard about his brother and the
Parthians, than to give heed to what was said on the other side, he determined, that when the evening came on, he
would make use of it for his flight, and not make any longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were not yet
certain. He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with him; and set his wives upon the beasts, as
also his mother, and sister, and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne,] the daughter of Alexander, the son
of Aristobulus, with her mother, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their servants, and the
rest of the multitude that was with him, and without the enemy's privity pursued his way to Idumea. Nor could any
enemy of his who then saw him in this case be so hardhearted, but would have commiserated his fortune, while the
women drew along their infant children and left their own country, and their friends in prison, with tears in their
eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a melancholy nature.

8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable state he was in, and was of good courage in the
midst of his misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every one to be of good cheer, and not to give
themselves up to sorrow, because that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only hope of safety that
they had. Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted them to do; yet
was he once almost going to kill himself, upon the overthrow of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of
being killed; and this on two accounts, because of his great concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this
delay, the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit: but as he was drawing his sword, and going to kill himself
therewith, those that were present restrained him, and being so many in number, were too hard for him; and told
him that he ought not to desert them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave
man to free himself from the distresses he was in, and to overlook his friends that were in the same distresses also.
So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly out of
regard to the great number of those that would not permit him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his
mother, and took all the care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed to go with the
utmost haste, and that was to the fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes with such of the Parthians as
attacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror in them all.

9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in his flight; for by that time he was gotten sixty
furlongs out of the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand with him, whom he also
put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one that was excellently
prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews it
was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace, and a city round about it, and called it Herodium.
And when he was come to Idumea, at a place called Thressa, his brother Joseph met him, and he then held a council
to take advice about all his affairs, and what was fit to be done in his circumstances, since he had a great multitude
that followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the place Masada, whither he proposed to fly, was too small
to contain so great a multitude; so he sent away the greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and
bid them go, some one way, and some another, and so save themselves in Idumea, and gave them what would buy
them provisions in their journey. But he took with him those that were the least encumbered, and were most
intimate with him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers, being eight hundred in
number, there being in the place a sufficient quantity of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went directly for
Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from
nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was three hundred talents. A great deal of Herod's money escaped, and
principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand; nor indeed did what was in
the city suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the city Marissa.

10. And thus was Antigonus brought back into Judea by the king of the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and
Phasaelus for his prisoners; but he was greatly cast down because the women had escaped, whom he intended to
have given the enemy, as having promised they should have them, with the money, for their reward: but being
afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the
multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the high priesthood should never come to him any more,
because he was maimed, while the law required that this dignity should belong to none but such as had all their
members entire (25) But now one cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who, perceiving that he was to
be put to death, did not think death any terrible thing at all; but to die thus by the means of his enemy, this he
thought a most pitiable and dishonorable thing; and therefore, since he had not his hands at liberty, but the bonds
he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby, he dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby took
away his own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could do in such a distress as he was in, and thereby put
it out of the power of the enemy to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also reported, that when he had made a
great wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and, by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound,
killed him. However, Phasaelus hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his brother Herod had
escaped the enemy, underwent his death cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who would revenge his death,
and who was able to inflict punishment on his enemies.

1. AS for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage him, but made him sharp in discovering surprising
undertakings; for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been very kind to, in order to receive
somewhat by way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired he would let him have some
money, either by way of loan, or as his free gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him; for not
knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste to redeem him out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to
give three hundred talents for the price of his redemption. He also took with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a
child of but seven years of age, for this very reason, that he might be a hostage for the repayment of the money.
But there came messengers from Malchus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be gone, for that the Parthians
had laid a charge upon him not to entertain Herod. This was only a pretense which he made use of, that he might
not be obliged to repay him what he owed him; and this he was further induced to by the principal men among the
Arabians, that they might cheat him of what sums they had received from [his father] Antipater, and which he had
committed to their fidelity. He made answer, that he did not intend to be troublesome to them by his coning thither,
but that he desired only to discourse with them about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest importance.

2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the road to Egypt; and then it was that he lodged in
a certain temple; for he had left a great many of his followers there. On the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and
there it was that he heard what was befallen his brother. Though Malehus soon repented of what he had done, and
came running after Herod; but with no manner of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and made haste
into the road to Pelusium; and when the stationary ships that lay there hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he
went to their captains, by whose assistance, and that out of much reverence of and great regard to him, he was
conducted into the city [Alexandria], and was retained there by Cleopatra; yet was she not able to prevail with him
to stay there, because he was making haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he was informed
that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and in great disorder.

3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes,
with the loss of the ship's burden; and there it was that two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him;
and as he found that city very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in necessity himself, he
neglected not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built there a
three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; and when he
was come from thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had befallen him in Judea, and how Phasaelus his
brother was seized on by the Parthians, and put to death by them, and how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them,
and how they had made Antigonus king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a thousand talents,
with five hundred women, who were to be of the principal families, and of the Jewish stock; and that he had carried
off the women by night; and that, by undergoing a great many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies;
as also, that his own relations were in danger of being besieged and taken, and that he had sailed through a storm,
and contemned all these terrible dangers of it, in order to come, as soon as possible, to him, who was his hope and
only succor at this time.

4. This account made Antony commiserate the change that had happened in Herod's condition; (26) and reasoning
with himself that this was a common case among those that are placed in such great dignities, and that they are
liable to the mutations that come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he desired, and this
because he called to mind the friendship he had had with Antipater because Herod offered him money to make him
king, as he had formerly given it him to make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus; for he
took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also the forwarder to raise Herod's
dignity, and to give him his assistance in what he desired, on account of the toils of war which he had himself
undergone with Antipater his father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and the kindness he
had always showed him, as also to gratify Antony, who was very zealous for Herod. So a senate was convocated;
and Messala first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and enlarged upon the benefits they had received
from his father, and put them in mind of the good-will he had borne to the Romans. At the same time, they accused
Antigonus, and declared him an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he had now
overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the Parthians. Upon this the senate was irritated; and
Antony informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. This
seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly.

5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's affection for Herod, that he not only procured him a kingdom
which he did not expect, (for he did not come with an intention to ask the kingdom for himself, which he did not
suppose the Romans would grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the royal family, but intended to desire it
for his wife's brother, who was grandson by his father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that he
procured it for him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did not expect, and departed out of Italy in so few days as
seven in all. This young man [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we shall show in its proper
place. But when the senate was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of the senate house with Herod between
them, and with the consuls and other magistrates before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay up their
decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive the
kingdom, having obtained it on the hundred and eighty-fourth olympiad, when Caius Domitius Calvinus was consul
the second time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time].

6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had plenty of all other necessaries, but were
only in want of water (27) insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's brother, was contriving to run away from
it, with two hundred of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Malchus repented of the offenses he
had been guilty of with regard to Herod; but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented his going away, for
their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was under no necessity of running away on that account; but they were
now of good courage, and the more so, because the sending that plenty of water which they had been in want of
seemed a mark of Divine Providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand to hand with Antigonus's soldiers,
(with some openly, with some privately,) and destroyed a great number of them. At the same time Ventidius, the
general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria, to drive the Parthians out of it, and marched after them into Judea, in
pretense indeed to succor Joseph; but in reality the whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in order to get
money of Antigonus; so they pitched their camp very near to Jerusalem, and stripped Antigonus of a great deal of
money, and then he retired himself with the greater part of the army; but, that the wickedness he had been guilty of
might be found out, he left Silo there, with a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also Antigonus cultivated an
acquaintance, that he might cause him no disturbance, and was still in hopes that the Parthians would come again
and defend him.

1. BY this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, both of strangers
and of his own countrymen, and marched through Galilee against Antignus. Silo also, and Ventidius, came and
assisted him, being persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back Herod. Now for
Ventidius, he was employed in composing the disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the
Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his
army increased every day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him; but as he was to those that were
in Masada, (for he was obliged to endeavor to save those that were in that fortress now they were besieged,
because they were his relations,) Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that place
first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong hold might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he
should go to Jerusalem. And when Silo made this a pretense for rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon
pursued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo,
when he was very poorly able to defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set free those
of his family that were in Masada. Now of the people of the country, some joined him because of the friendship they
had had with his father, and some because of the splendid appearance he made, and others by way of requital for
the benefits they had received from both of them; but the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting
somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom.

2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes in the passes and
places most proper for them; but in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the enemy. So Herod received those
of his family out of Masada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was
with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of the citizens, being afraid of his power; and as soon as he had
pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part shot their arrows and
threw their darts at him; and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to fight hand to hand with the first ranks
of Herod's army, he gave orders that they should, in the first place, make proclamation about the wall, that he came
for the good of the people, and for the preservation of the city, and not to bear any old grudge at even his most
open enemies, but ready to forget the offenses which his greatest adversaries had done him. But Antigonus, by way
of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before the Romans, and before Silo also, said that
they would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more than a private man, and an Idumean,
i.e. a half Jew, (28) whereas they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their custom was; for that in case
they at present bear an ill-will to him, and had resolved to deprive him of the kingdom, as having received it from
the Parthians, yet were there many others of his family that might by their law take it, and these such as had no
way offended the Romans; and being of the sacerdotal family, it would be an unworthy thing to put them by. Now
while they said thus one to another, and fell to reproaching one another on both sides, Antigonus permitted his own
men that were upon the wall to defend themselves, who using their bows, and showing great alacrity against their
enemies, easily drove them away from the towers.

3. And now it was that Silo discovered that he had taken bribes; for he set a good number of his soldiers to
complain aloud of the want of provisions they were in, and to require money to buy them food; and that it was fit to
let them go into places proper for winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert, by reason that
Antigonus's soldiers had carried all away; so he set the army upon removing, and endeavored to march away; but
Herod pressed Silo not to depart, and exhorted Silo's captains and soldiers not to desert him, when Caesar, and
Antony, and the senate had sent him thither, for that he would provide them plenty of all the things they wanted,
and easily procure them a great abundance of what they required; after which entreaty, he immediately went out
into the country, and left not the least pretense to Silo for his departure; for he brought an unexpected quantity of
provisions, and sent to those friends of his who inhabited about Samaria to bring down corn, and wine, and oil, and
cattle, and all other provisions, to Jericho, that those might be no want of a supply for the soldiers for the time to
come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent presently over the country such as might restrain and lie in ambush
for those that went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and got together a great
number of armed men about Jericho, and sat upon the mountains, and watched those that brought the provisions.
However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans,
and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and
as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with
their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and
found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and
sent the Roman army to take their winter quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea, and Galilee,
and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be
quartered at Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all
things.

4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand
armed footmen, and four hundred horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and left his mother and his other
relations there, for they were already gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee, to take certain places which were
held by the garrisons of Antigonus; and he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus's garrisons
withdrew themselves, and had great plenty of provisions. He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those
robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three
companies of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called Arbela; and on the fortieth day
after, he came himself with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of his army
gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and recalled his
men that ran away. He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they
ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and
distributed money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to
their captains, and sent them into winter quarters; at which time Silo came to him, and his commanders with him,
because Antigonus would not give them provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no more than one month;
nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to
the mountains, that the Romans might have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish by famine. But Herod
committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him to repair Alexandrium also.
Accordingly, he quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which
had been before desolate.

5. About this time it was that Antony continued some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent
for Silo, and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present war, and then to send for their
confederates for the war they were themselves engaged in; but as for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers
that were in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius, while he marched against them. These caves were in
mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle were no other than precipices, with certain entrances
into the caves, and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers lie concealed,
with all their families about them; but the king caused certain chests to be made, in order to destroy them, and to be
hung down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not possible to get up
to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from above. Now these chests
were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their hands, by which they might pull out such as resisted them,
and then tumble them down, and kill them by so doing; but the letting the chests down proved to be a matter of
great danger, because of the vast depth they were to be let down, although they had their provisions in the chests
themselves. But when the chests were let down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst come near
them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armor, and by both their hands took hold of the
chain by which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such
delay was made by the robbers not daring to come out of the caves; and when they were at any of those mouths,
they first killed many of those that were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to them that
resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and
killed many more, and then went into their chests again, and lay still there; but, upon this, terror seized the rest,
when they heard the lamentations that were made, and they despaired of escaping. However, when the night came
on, that put an end to the whole work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as delivered
themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. The same method of assault was made use of the next day; and
they went further, and got out in baskets to fight them, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire among them,
and set their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter within them. Now there was one old
man who was caught within one of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him to give them leave
to go out, and yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood at the cave's mouth, and always slew that child of his
who went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies down
the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent death rather than slavery: but before he did this, he greatly
reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was then king. Herod also saw what he was doing,
and stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life; by which means all these caves were
at length subdued entirely.

6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the country as his general, he went to Samaria, with six
hundred horsemen, and three thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight Antigonus. But still this command of
the army did not succeed well with Ptolemy, but those that had been troublesome to Galilee before attacked him,
and slew him; and when they had done this, they fled among the lakes and places almost inaccessible laying waste
and plundering whatsoever they could come at in those places. But Herod soon returned, and punished them for
what they had done; for some of these rebels he slew, and others of them, who had fled to the strong holds he
besieged, and both slew them, and demolished their strong holds. And when he had thus put an end to their
rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents.

7. In the mean time, Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the Parthians were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras
to the assistance of Herod, with two legions, and a thousand horsemen, while Antony encouraged him to make
haste. But Macheras, at the instigation of Antigonus, without the approbation of Herod, as being corrupted by
money, went about to take a view of his affairs; but Antigonus suspecting this intention of his coming, did not admit
him into the city, but kept him at a distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly showed what he himself meant.
But when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given him good advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in
not hearkening to that advice, he retired to the city Emmaus; and what Jews he met with he slew them, whether
they were enemies or friends, out of the rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone. The king was
provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to
inform him that he stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more mischief than they did his enemies; and that
he was able of himself to beat Antigonus. But Macheras followed him, and desired that he would not go to Antony;
or if he was resolved to go, that he would join his brother Joseph with them, and let them fight against Antigonus.
So he was reconciled to Macheras, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly, he left Joseph there with his army, but
charged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with Macheras.

8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antony (who was then at the siege of Samosata, a place upon Euphrates)
with his troops, both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him. And when he came to Antioch, and met there a
great number of men gotten together that were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not venture to go, out of
fear, because the barbarians fell upon men on the road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and became their
conductor upon the road. Now when they were within two days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an
ambush there to disturb those that came to Antony, and where the woods made the passes narrow, as they led to
the plains, there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still until those passengers were gone by into
the wide place. Now as soon as the first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those that lay in
ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had put the foremost to flight,
the king came riding hard, with the forces that were about him, and immediately drove back the enemy; by which
means he made the minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who ran
away before now returned back, and the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also went on killing them, and
recovered all the baggage, among which were a great number of beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded on
in his march; and whereas there were a great number of those in the woods that attacked them, and were near the
passage that led into the plain, he made a sally upon these also with a strong body of men, and put them to flight,
and slew many of them, and thereby rendered the way safe for those that came after; and these called Herod their
savior and protector.

9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in all their proper habiliments to meet him, in
order to pay Herod this respect, and because of the assistance he had given him; for he had heard what attacks the
barbarians had made upon him [in Judea]. He also was very glad to see him there, as having been made acquainted
with the great actions he had performed upon the road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire
his courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and saluted him after a most affectionate manner,
and gave him the upper hand, as having himself lately made him a king; and in a little time Antiochus delivered up
the fortress, and on that account this war was at an end; then Antony committed the rest to Sosius, and gave him
orders to assist Herod, and went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions before into Judea to the
assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body of the army.

10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner following: He forgot what charge his brother Herod had
given him when he went to Antony; and when he had pitched his camp among the mountains, for Macheras had lent
him five regiments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in :order to reap the corn thereto belonging; and as the
Roman regiments were but newly raised, and were unskillful in war, for they were in great part collected out of
Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was
fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for there were six regiments slain. So when Antigonus had got
possession of the dead bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his brother would have redeemed it at
the price of fifty talents. After which defeat, the Galileans revolted from their commanders, and took those of
Herod's party, and drowned them in the lake, and a great part of Judea was become seditious; but Macheras
fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria].

11. At this time messengers came to Herod, and informed him of what had been done; and when he was come to
Daphne by Antioch, they told him of the ill fortune that had befallen his brother; which yet he expected, from
certain visions that appeared to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother's death. So he hastened his
march; and when he came to Mount Libanus, he received about eight hundred of the men of that place, having
already with him also one Roman legion, and with these he came to Ptolemais. He also marched thence by night
with his army, and proceeded along Galilee. Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought him, and were beaten,
and shut up in the same place of strength whence they had sallied out the day before. So he attacked the place in
the morning; but by reason of a great storm that was then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew off his
army into the neighboring villages; yet as soon as the other legion that Antony sent him was come to his assistance,
those that were in garrison in the place were afraid, and deserted it in the night time. Then did the king march
hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother; and when he had
pitched his tents, he made a feast for the principal commanders; and after this collation was over, and he had
dismissed his guests, he retired to his own chamber; and here may one see what kindness God had for the king, for
the upper part of the house fell down when nobody was in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the people
believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he had escaped such a great and surprising danger.

12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the tops of the mountains to fight the Romans,
which greatly terrified them; and the soldiers that were in light armor came near, and pelted the king's guards that
were come out with darts and stones, and one of them hit him on the side with a dart. Antigonus also sent a
commander against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some forces, being desirous to show the enemy how
potent he was, and that he had men to spare in his war with them. He sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod,
when he had taken five cities, took such as were left in them, being about two thousand, and slew them, and burnt
the cities themselves, and then returned to go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called Isanas; and
there ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so
stout were they at this time, and joined battle with them, but he beat them in the fight; and in order to be revenged
on them for the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed them as they ran away; and as the
houses were full of armed men, (29) and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he got them under his
power, and pulled down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers that were caught, and lay
all on a heap; so they threw stones down upon them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them;
nor was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where beyond the walls an immense multitude of
dead men lay heaped one upon another. This action it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the enemy, who
expected now what would come; for there appeared a mighty number of people that came from places far distant,
that were now about the village, but then ran away; and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then
restrained them, the king's army had presently gone to Jerusalem, as being very courageous at this good success,
and the whole work had been done immediately; for Antigonus was already looking about how he might fly away
and leave the city.

13. At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go to supper, for it was late at night, while he went into
a chamber to use the bath, for he was very weary; and here it was that he was in the greatest danger, which yet, by
God's providence, he escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one servant that followed him, to be with him while
he was bathing in an inner room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armor, and had fled thither, out of fear,
were then in the place; and as he was bathing, the first of them came out with his naked sword drawn, and went out
at the doors, and after him a second, and a third, armed in like manner, and were under such a consternation, that
they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come off very well ill suffering no harm themselves in
their getting out of the house. However, on the next day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was already slain,
and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment of what their brother had suffered by his means, for he was the man that
slew him with his own hand.

14. When the rigor of winter was over, Herod removed his army, and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp
hard by the city. Now this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; and as he removed his camp,
and came near that part of the wall where it could be most easily assaulted, he pitched that camp before the temple,
intending to make his attacks in the same manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three
bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed a great many hands about the work, and cut down the trees that were
round about the city; and when he had appointed proper persons to oversee the works, even while the army lay
before the city, he himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage, and to take to wife the daughter of
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had betrothed her already, as I have before related.

1. AFTER the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia, having sent out his army before him over the
midland parts. He also, who was their commander, came himself, with a great number of horsemen and footmen.
The king also came himself from Samaria, and brought with him no small army, besides that which was there
before, for they were about thirty thousand; and they all met together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at
the north wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with
other auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals were two: Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and Herod on his own
account, in order to take the government from Antigonus, who was declared all enemy at Rome, and that he might
himself be king, according to the decree of the Senate.

2. Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city fought against Herod with great alacrity and zeal
(for the whole nation was gathered together); they also gave out many prophecies about the temple, and many
things agreeable to the people, as if God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in; they had also carried
off what was out of the city, that they might not leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for beasts;
and by private robberies they made the want of necessaries greater. When Herod understood this, he opposed
ambushes in the fittest places against their private robberies, and he sent legions of armed men to bring its
provisions, and that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great plenty of provisions. Now the three
bulwarks were easily erected, because so many hands were continually at work upon it; for it was summer time, and
there was nothing to hinder them in raising their works, neither from the air nor from the workmen; so they brought
their engines to bear, and shook the walls of the city, and tried all manner of ways to get its; yet did not those within
discover any fear, but they also contrived not a few engines to oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out,
and burnt not only those engines that were not yet perfected, but those that were; and when they came hand to
hand, their attempts were not less bold than those of the Romans, though they were behind them in skill. They also
erected new works when the former were ruined, and making mines underground, they met each other, and fought
there; and making use of brutish courage rather than of prudent valor, they persisted in this war to the very last;
and this they did while a mighty army lay round about them, and while they were distressed by famine and the want
of necessaries, for this happened to be a Sabbatic year. The first that scaled the walls were twenty chosen men, the
next were Sosius's centurions; for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen more, when some
of the cloisters that were about the temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in
order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews. And when the outer court of the temple and the lower city were
taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into the upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans
should hinder them from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage, and desired that they would
only permit them to bring in beasts for sacrifices, which Herod granted, hoping they were going to yield; but when
he saw that they did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the kingdom to
Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took it by storm; and now all parts were full of those that were
slain, by the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's
side, who were not willing to leave one of their adversaries alive; so they were murdered continually in the narrow
streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was no pity taken
of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent about, and
besought them to spare the people, yet nobody restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a company
of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages, without distinction; and then Antigonus, without regard to either his
past or present circumstances, came down from the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of
him, in the change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not
a man;] yet did he not treat him as if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds, and kept
him in close custody.

3. And now Herod having overcome his enemies, his care was to govern those foreigners who had been his
assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple; but the king,
thinking a victory to be a more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things which it was not lawful to see
should be seen by them, used entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force itself, to restrain them. He
also prohibited the ravage that was made in the city, and many times asked Sosius whether the Romans would
empty the city both of money and men, and leave him king of a desert; and told him that he esteemed the dominion
over the whole habitable earth as by no means an equivalent satisfaction for such a murder of his citizens'; and
when he said that this plunder was justly to be permitted the soldiers for the siege they had undergone, he replied,
that he would give every one their reward out of his own money; and by this means be redeemed what remained of
the city from destruction; and he performed what he had promised him, for he gave a noble present to every
soldier, and a proportionable present to their commanders, but a most royal present to Sosius himself, till they all
went away full of money.

4. This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome
(30) on the hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast, as if a periodical
revolution of calamities had returned since that which befell the Jews under Pompey; for the Jews were taken by
him on the same day, and this was after twenty-seven years' time. So when Sosius had dedicated a crown of gold to
God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; but Herod was afraid
lest Antigonus should be kept in prison [only] by Antony, and that when he was carried to Rome by him, he might
get his cause to be heard by the senate, and might demonstrate, as he was himself of the royal blood, and Herod
but a private man, that therefore it belonged to his sons however to have the kingdom, on account of the family
they were of, in case he had himself offended the Romans by what he had done. Out of Herod's fear of this it was
that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money, endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it
were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did the government of the Asamoneans cease, a
hundred twenty and six years after it was first set up. This family was a splendid and an illustrious one, both on
account of the nobility of their stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as also for the glorious actions their
ancestors had performed for our nation; but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another,
and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction,
but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.

(1) Reland takes notice here, very justly, how Josephus's declaration, that it was his great concern not only to write
"an agreeable, an accurate," and "a true" history, but also distinctly not to omit any thing [of consequence], either
through "ignorance or laziness," implies that he could not, consistently with that resolution, omit the mention of [so
famous a person as] "Jesus Christ."

(2) That the famous Antipater's or Antipas's father was also Antipater or Antipas (which two may justly be
esteemed one and the same frame, the former with a Greek or Gentile, the latter with a Hebrew or Jewish
termination) Josephus here assures us, though Eusebias indeed says it was Herod.

(3) This "golden vine," or "garden," seen by Strabo at Rome, has its inscription here as if it were the gift of
Alexander, the father of Aristobulus, and not of Aristobulus himself, to whom yet Josephus ascribes it; and in order
to prove the truth of that part of his history, introduces this testimony of Strabo; so that the ordinary copies seem to
be here either erroneous or defective, and the original reading seems to have been either Aristobulus, instead of
Alexander, with one Greek copy, or else "Aristobulus the son of Alexander," with the Latin copies; which last
seems to me the most probable. For as to Archbishop Usher's conjectures, that Alexander made it, and dedicated it
to God in the temple, and that thence Aristobulus took it, and sent it to Pompey, they are both very improbable, and
no way agreeable to Josephus, who would hardly have avoided the recording both these uncommon points of
history, had he known any thing of them; nor would either the Jewish nation, or even Pompey himself, then have
relished such a flagrant instance of sacrilege.

(4) These express testimonies of Josephus here, and Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 6. sect. 6, and B. XV. ch. 4. sect. 2, that the
only balsam gardens, and the best palm trees, were, at least in his days, near Jericho and Kugaddi, about the north
part of the Dead Sea, (whereabout also Alexander the Great saw the balsam drop,) show the mistake of those that
understand Eusebius and Jerom as if one of those gardens were at the south part of that sea, at Zoar or Segor,
whereas they must either mean another Zoar or Segor, which was between Jericho and Kugaddi, agreeably to
Josephus: which yet they do not appear to do, or else they directly contradict Josephus, and were therein greatly
mistaken: I mean this, unless that balsam, and the best palm trees, grew much more southward in Judea in the days
of Eusebius and Jerom than they did in the days of Josephus.

(5) The particular depth and breadth of this ditch, whence the stones for the wall about the temple were probably
taken, are omitted in our copies of Josephus, but set down by Strabo, B. XVI. p. 763; from whom we learn that this
ditch was sixty feet deep, and two hundred and fifty feet broad. However, its depth is, in the next section, said by
Josephus to be immense, which exactly agrees to Strabo's description, and which numbers in Strabo are a strong
confirmation of the truth of Josephus's description also.

(6) That is, on the 23rd of Sivan, the annual fast for the defection and idolatry of Jeroboam, "who made Israel to
sin;" or possibly some other fast might fall into that month, before and in the days of Josephus.

(7) It deserves here to be noted, that this Pharisaical, superstitious notion, that offensive fighting was unlawful to
Jews, even under the utmost necessity, on the Sabbath day, of which we hear nothing before the times of the
Maccabees, was the proper occasion of Jerusalem's being taken by Pompey, by Sosius, and by Titus, as appears
from the places already quoted in the note on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 8. sect. 1; which scrupulous superstition, as to the
observation of such a rigorous rest upon the Sabbath day, our Savior always opposed, when the Pharisaical Jews
insisted on it, as is evident in many places in the New Testament, though he still intimated how pernicious that
superstition might prove to them in their flight from the Romans, Matthew 25:20.

(8) This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero, who: says, in his oration for Flaecus, that "Cneius Pompeius,
when he was conqueror, and had taken Jerusalem, did not touch any thing belonging to that temple."

(9) Of this destruction of Gadara here presupposed, and its restoration by Pompey, see the note on the War, B. I.
ch. 7. sect. 7.

(10) Dean Prideaux well observes, "That notwithstanding the clamor against Gabinius at Rome, Josephus gives
him a able character, as if he had acquitted himself with honor in the charge committed to him" [in Judea]. See at
the year 55.

(11) This history is best illustrated by Dr. Hudson out of Livy, who says that "A. Gabinius, the proconsul, restored
Ptolemy of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say any thing new which is not in the other
to his kingdom of Egypt, and ejected Archelaus, whom they had set up for king," &c. See Prid. at the years 61 and
65.

(12) Dr. Hudson observes, that the name of this wife of Antipater in Josephus was Cypros, as a Hebrew
termination, but not Cypris, the Greek name for Venus, as some critics were ready to correct it.

(13) Take Dr. Hudson's note upon this place, which I suppose to be the truth: "Here is some mistake in Josephus;
for when he had promised us a decree for the restoration of Jerusalem he brings in a decree of far greater
antiquity, and that a league of friendship and union only. One may easily believe that Josephus gave order for one
thing, and his amanuensis performed another, by transposing decrees that concerned the Hyrcani, and as deluded
by the sameness of their names; for that belongs to the first high priest of this name, [John Hyrcanus,] which
Josephus here ascribes to one that lived later [Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander Janneus]. However, the decree
which he proposes to set down follows a little lower, in the collection of Raman decrees that concerned the Jews
and is that dated when Caesar was consul the fifth time." See ch. 10. sect. 5.

(14) Those who will carefully observe the several occasional numbers and chronological characters in the life and
death of this Herod, and of his children, hereafter noted, will see that twenty-five years, and not fifteen, must for
certain have been here Josephus's own number for the age of Herod, when he was made governor of Galilee. See
ch. 23. sect. 5, and ch. 24. sect. 7; and particularly Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 1, where about forty-four years
afterwards Herod dies an old man at about seventy.

(15) It is here worth our while to remark, that none could be put to death in Judea but by the approbation of the
Jewish Sanhedrim, there being an excellent provision in the law of Moses, that even in criminal causes, and
particularly where life was concerned, an appeal should lie from the lesser councils of seven in the other cities to
the supreme council of seventy-one at Jerusalem; and that is exactly according to our Savior's words, when he
says, "It could not be that a prophet should perish out of Jerusalem," Luke 13:33.

(16) This account, as Reland observes, is confirmed by the Talmudists, who call this Sameas, "Simeon, the son of
Shetach."

(17) That Hyreanus was himself in Egypt, along with Antipater, at this time, to whom accordingly the bold and
prudent actions of his deputy Antipater are here ascribed, as this decree of Julius Caesar supposes, we are further
assured by the testimony of Strabo, already produced by Josephus, ch. 8. sect. 3.

(18) Dr. Hudson justly supposes that the Roman imperators, or generals of armies, meant both here and sect. 2,
who gave testimony to Hyrcanus's and the Jews' faithfulness and goodwill to the Romans before the senate and
people of Rome, were principally Pompey, Scaurus, and Gabinius ;of all whom Josephus had already given us the
history, so far as the Jews were concerned with them.

(19) We have here a most remarkable and authentic attestation of the citizens of Pergamus, that Abraham was the
father of all the Hebrews; that their own ancestors were, in the oldest times, the friends of those Hebrews; and that
the public arts of their city, then extant, confirmed the same; which evidence is too strong to be evaded by our
present ignorance of the particular occasion of such ancient friendship and alliance between those people. See the
like full evidence of the kindred of the Lacedemonians and the Jews; and that became they were both of the
posterity of Abraham, by a public epistle of those people to the Jews, preserved in the First Book of the
Maccabees, 12:19-23; and thence by Josephus, Antiq. B. XII. ch. 4 sect. 10; both which authentic records are
highly valuable. It is also well worthy of observation, what Moses Chorenensis, the principal Armenian historian,
informs us of, p. 83, that Arsaces, who raised the Parthian empire, was of the :seed of Abraham by Chetura; and
that thereby was accomplished that prediction which said, "Kings of nations shall proceed from thee," Genesis
17:6.

(20) If we compare Josephus's promise in sect. 1, to produce all the public decrees of the Romans in favor of the
Jews, with his excuse here for omitting many of them, we may observe, that when he came to transcribe all those
decrees he had collected, he found them so numerous, that he thought he should too much tire his readers if he had
attempted it, which he thought a sufficient apology for his omitting the rest of them; yet do those by him produced
afford such a strong confirmation to his history, and give such great light to even the Roman antiquities
themselves, that I believe the curious are not a little sorry for such his omissions.

(21) For Marcus, this president of Syria, sent as successor to Sextus Caesar, the Roman historians require us to
read "Marcus" in Josephus, and this perpetually, both in these Antiquities, and in his History of the Wars, as the
learned generally agree.

(22) In this and the following chapters the reader will easily remark, how truly Gronovius observes, in his notes on
the Roman decrees in favor of the Jews, that their rights and privileges were commonly purchased of the Romans
with money. Many examples of this sort, both as to the Romans and others in authority, will occur in our Josephus,
both now and hereafter, and need not be taken particular notice of on the several occasions in these notes.
Accordingly, the chief captain confesses to St. Paul that "with a great sum he had obtained his freedom," Acts
22:28; as had St. Paul's ancestors, very probably, purchased the like freedom for their family by money, as the
same author justly concludes also.

(23) This clause plainly alludes to that well-known but unusual and very long darkness of the sun which happened
upon the :murder of Julius Cesar by Brutus and Cassius, which is greatly taken notice of by Virgil, Pliny, and other
Roman authors. See Virgil's Georgics, B. I., just before the end; and Pliny's Nat. Hist. B. IL ch. 33.

(24) We may here take notice that espousals alone were of old esteemed a sufficient foundation for affinity,
Hyrcanus being here called father-in-law to Herod because his granddaughter Mariarune was betrothed to him,
although the marriage was not completed till four years afterwards. See Matthew 1:16.

(25) This law of Moses, that the priests were to be "without blemish," as to all the parts of their bodies, is in
Leviticus 21:17-24

(26) Concerning the chronology of Herod, and the time when he was first made king at Rome, and concerning the
time when he began his second reign, without a rival, upon the conquest and slaughter of Antigonus, both principally
derived from this and the two next chapters in Josephus, see the note on sect. 6, and ch. 15. sect. 10.

(27) This grievous want of water at Masada, till the place had like to have been taken by the Parthians, (mentioned
both here, and Of the War, B. I. ch. 15. sect. 1,) is an indication that it was now summer time.

(28) This affirmation of Antigonus, spoken in the days of Herod, and in a manner to his face, that he was an
Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, seems to me of much greater authority than that pretense of his favorite and flatterer
Nicolaus of Damascus, that he derived his pedigree from Jews as far backward as the Babylonish captivity, ch. 1.
sect. 3. Accordingly Josephus always esteems him an Idumean, though he says his father Antipater was of the
same people with the Jews, ch. viii. sect. 1. and by birth a Jew, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 8. sect. 7; as indeed all such
proselytes of justice, as the Idumeans, were in time esteemed the very same people with the Jews.

(29) It may be worth our observation here, that these soldiers of Herod could not have gotten upon the tops of
these houses which were full of enemies, in order to pull up the upper floors, and destroy them beneath, but by
ladders from the out side; which illustrates some texts in the New Testament, by which it appears that men used to
ascend thither by ladders on the outsides. See Matthew 24:17; Mark 13:15; Luke 5:19; 17:31.

(30) Note here, that Josephus fully and frequently assures us that there passed above three years between Herod's
first obtaining the kingdom at Rome, and his second obtaining it upon the taking of Jerusalem and death of
Antigonus. The present history of this interval twice mentions the army going into winter quarters, which perhaps
belonged to two several winters, ch. 15. sect. 3, 4; and though Josephus says nothing how long they lay in those
quarters, yet does he give such an account of the long and studied delays of Ventidius, Silo, and Macheras, who
were to see Herod settled in his new kingdom, but seem not to have had sufficient forces for that purpose, and were
for certain all corrupted by Antigonus to make the longest delays possible, and gives us such particular accounts of
the many great actions of Herod during the same interval, as fairly imply that interval, before Herod went to
Samosata, to have been very considerable. However, what is wanting in Josephus, is fully supplied by Moses
Chorenensis, the Arme nian historian, in his history of that interval, B. II ch. 18., where he directly assures us that
Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and the principal manager of this Parthian war, reigned two years after Herod was
made king at Rome, and yet Antony did not hear of his death, in that very neighborhood, at Samosata, till he was
come thither to besiege it; after which Herod brought him an army, which was three hundred and forty miles' march,
and through a difficult country, full of enemies also, and joined with him in the siege of Samosata till that city was
taken; then Herod and Sosins marched back with their large armies the same number of three hundred and forty
miles; and when, in a little time, they sat down to besiege Jerusalem, they were not able to take it but by a siege of
five months. All which put together, fully supplies what is wanting in Josephus, and secures the entire chronology of
these times beyond contradiction.

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